analysis: Not Madness, A
Policy Sharon believes in
a greater Israel, and the only way to accomplish this
objective is through an all out war
Neve Gordon 5
Mar. 2002
"We must
first strike the Palestinians a heavy blow, before we can
begin negotiating peace," Prime Minister Sharon said on March
4th, only a few hours after Israeli security forces killed 17
Palestinians, 5 of them children. One of the adult fatalities
was a 55-year-old woman from Jenin; another was Dr. Sliman
Khalil, who was slain while evacuating the injured from a
nearby refugee camp.
The
evening before these recent killings, I went to a peace rally
to protest the Israeli military infiltration into two refugee
camps, where an additional 24 Palestinians had been shot dead.
As I was walking from my car towards the Prime Minister's
house, the sound of a loud explosion reverberated through the
Jerusalem night.
The
ensuing echo of ambulance sirens left little doubt in my mind
about what had happened. An hour later, while standing with a
peace sign in hand, my mother called the cell phone to check
whether I was all right; she told me that a suicide bomber had
exploded himself outside a synagogue, killing ten guests who
had been celebrating a Bar-Mitzvah.
There is
no longer any room for doubt: violence begets violence. And it
is within this macabre context that one must interpret
Sharon's decision to employ more force.
Sharon, to
be sure, is not mad. Yet, he realizes that in the past few
days 31 Jews and 52 Palestinians have been killed, joining the
over one thousand people -- many of them children -- who have
died since the second Intifada erupted in September 2000. At
this juncture, then, there are only a few ways to make sense
of Sharon's sanguine logic.
Sharon's
declaration, which has been rapidly translated into policy,
will surely guarantee one thing -- more blood will be spilled.
But why, one might ask, does he want to escalate the
violence?
The answer
is straightforward. Sharon believes in a greater Israel, and
the only way to accomplish this objective is through an all
out war. For if enough Jewish blood is shed, Sharon might in
fact gain the legitimacy needed to embark on such a
campaign.
1948
appears to be Sharon's historical reference point. During that
war, the fledgling Israeli government decided to ensure a
Jewish majority within what would become Israel. Hundreds of
thousands of Palestinians either fled or were evicted by force
from their homes, thus creating the Palestinian refugee
problem. The Palestinians accordingly refer to Israel's War of
Independence as Nakbah, or "the catastrophe."
Currently,
there are about 200,000 Jewish settlers living on occupied
land amongst three million Palestinians. One solution to the
crisis would be to dismantle all the Jewish settlements, bring
the settlers back home, and establish a Palestinian state
within the occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip, with East
Jerusalem as its capital. This solution, however, is
antithetical to Sharon's expansionist aspirations. It is thus
becoming more and more apparent that Sharon is actually
interested in creating a situation whereby he can expel
hundreds of thousands of Palestinians from their land. In
order to do so, he needs a war.
Neve
Gordon is a professor in Political Sciense at Ben-Gurion
University. He is a regular contributor to The
Nation. |