 |
 |
Avi Dichter, head of the Shin Bet
security services: "The job of the assistant head of the Shin
Bet is not that of "confidant." (Photo: ) |
 |
The process of putting the Shin
Bet security services under the public spotlight has been brought to
a new level this week. Y.S., a senior official in the Shin Bet, is
petitioning against the appointment of another senior official,
Y.Z., to the position of Shin Bet internal ombudsman.
The
appointment of Y.Z. was approved in November 2001 by the appropriate
committee, and came into effect on July 25, 2002. On July 1, 2002,
Y.S.'s petition was submitted.
On August 15, the High Court
of Justice issued a temporary writ indicating its intention to
examine the appointment. The next proceedings will be held before
Justices Aharon Barak, Mishael Cheshin and Alexander Rivlin, at the
end of December.
The court received depositions from Prime
Minister Ariel Sharon and two heads of the Shin Bet, former chief
Ami Ayalon, and the incumbent, Avi Dichter, as well as a deposition
from the ombudsman himself. These documents, some of which have been
banned from publication, but most of whose contents are open, allow
for a rare glimpse into the regular conduct of the Shin Bet and the
power struggles within it.
The exchange of documents in
court reveal a harsh personal rivalry between the two parties, which
has its origins in the period when they served together in the Shin
Bet. The appointed ombudsman, 58-year-old Y.Z., is a 15-year veteran
of the service, where he began to work after years in the standing
army. Y.S., who petitioned against the appointment, is a 14-year
veteran of the service, and is presently at a rank equivalent to
that of colonel.
Y.Z. does not have fond memories of that
period. "My work relationship with the petitioner deteriorated, and
the difficulty in communicating with him, and his antipathy toward
me, became intolerable," he writes in the deposition. "Working with
the petitioner caused me intolerable emotional tension. This quarrel
even caused my health to suffer. I came to Yaakov Peri, the chief of
the service, and asked him to release me from my job. Even now I
don't understand the reasons for the petitioner's behavior and his
efforts to cause me to fail, from that day to this. In other words,
this is a 12-year-old personal quarrel. The petitioner is not
fighting for lofty principles in which he believes, but against a
man whom he wishes to hurt. For this reason, the petitioner masked
his behavior in falsely self-righteous claims. This is not the
little Dutch boy who sticks his finger into the hole in the dam in
order to prevent a major flood. This is simply an act of hostility
and revenge."
The petitioner, Y.S., has an entirely
different version. "When Y.Z. began his work as a department head,
he developed a most unpleasant relationship with a series of senior
officials in the unit," he wrote. "The petitioner, who had served
for only two years at the time, was only one of those who complained
about it to the head of the division. The steps taken by the
division head at the time brought Y.Z.'s term as department head, to
an unprecedented end. Common sense would dictate that if his
relationship with the petitioner had been the only obstacle in his
way, it would have been easier and more logical to get rid of the
petitioner rather than getting rid of Y.Z., who was of course much
more senior. Moreover: No reprimand, not even a mild one, was
written or said about the work and behavior of the petitioner
vis-a-vis Y.Z. at that time."
`Involved up to his
neck'
The main argument of Y.S.'s representatives,
attorneys Avigdor Feldman and Michael Sefarad, is that the
appointment, which went into effect in July of this year, is not
proper because Y.Z. served in recent years as the "personal
assistant" to the head of the Shin Bet, a position that created a
personal and professional intimacy that empties of content the idea
of independent criticism - an idea whose necessity was a product of
the Bus 300 affair, and whose time became ripe in the Shin Bet Law
legislated this year. [The Bus 300 affair, which took place in
November 1984, refers to the murder of two Palestinian hijackers of
an Israeli bus, by agents of the Shin Bet, and the subsequent
attempt within the service to hide the truth.]
This law,
claims the petition, "has broadened the shoulders of the Shin Bet
ombudsman, and has given him substantial critical roles, out of a
desire to apply the harsh lessons from the Bus 300 affair, when it
became evident that internal solidarity, deep friendship and an
internal ethos of the rightness of the path led to the terrible
consequences of lying to the court, interference with the activity
of a commission of inquiry, et al."
And how does it occur to
the head of the Shin Bet to appoint to the job of ombudsman, which
is supposed to prevent the possible shortcomings of an organization
whose outstanding features include never giving up and internal
unity, a man who is involved up to his neck in the everyday life of
the organization, and who is intimately involved in all the most
senior professional and social aspects of the service? Can such a
man escape the trap of preferring the internal ethos of the service
to fearless and objective criticism?"
Y.Z.'s supporters -
the prime minister and the head of the Shin Bet, who decided on the
appointment - believe that he is the right man in the right place.
Dichter, head of the Shin Bet, is aware of the difficulty in putting
a "special assistant" into the job of ombudsman, but in his
deposition he describes Y.Z.'s previous position as characterized by
"independent thought," and by "analysis and evaluation, especially
in the strategic field." And mainly, Dichter emphasizes the personal
distance: "The position of the assistant to the head of the Shin Bet
is not one of a `confidant.' There was no special personal dimension
between me as head of the service and Y.Z., and this contradicts the
argument raised in the petition, that he was supposedly `my
confidant.'"
In his deposition, Y.Z. is much more outspoken:
"This is a professional position that lacks any characteristic of
confidence or intimacy. I was not the head of an office, and I
wasn't a secretary. Not a driver, not a rabbi and not a confessing
priest of the chief of the service."
The law does not
prevent the appointment of an ombudsman from within the service. One
can learn about the importance of the job from the fact that with
the exception of the head of the Shin Bet, this is the only position
where the law defines who can be chosen, to whom he is subordinate
and how he should organize his work.
The two parties to the
petition point to mutual lapses. The state is complaining about the
long period of time that has passed from the time the petitioner
found out about the appointment - about a year ago - until the time
when he raised his reservations before those in charge and submitted
the petition.
On the other hand, attorneys Feldman and
Sefarad point to the defective appointment. The law states that the
prime minister is the one who appoints the ombudsman, on the
recommendation of the head of the Shin Bet, whereas, claim the
lawyers, Sharon's deposition indicates that he "did not operate
independently on the subject of the appointment, but received a
ready-made appointment for signing. With due respect, in this case
the prime minister was a rubber stamp for a choice made for him by
the chief of the service, and for this reason, too, the appointment
must be canceled."
`Why am I being punished?'
At the beginning of his deposition, the ombudsman admits: "I
decided to submit this deposition without the assistance of an
attorney, and to present to you words that come from the heart,
directly, without intermediaries and legal sublimation." And, in
fact, the absence of restraining legal advice is obvious in the
ombudsman's harsh words. He has a right to claim that the petitioner
has a personal motive, and in fact he writes that the petitioner "is
standing on shaky moral ground because he has hidden the personal,
revenge-driven background to the petition." However, there is
certainly room for the claim on principle as well."
Y.Z.
also attacks the temporary writ issued by the High Court. "When the
temporary writ was issued, I understood that an eclipse had taken
place, and that a terrible mistake was about to be made," he writes.
"I couldn't remain silent any longer, and I came out to defend my
rights and dignity as a person, as a civil servant and as an
employee of the Shin Bet. I believe justice is on my side, and that
is what will undermine the foundations of this petition, and will
breach its fortifications." It's not certain that the judges will
like the description of their writ as an "eclipse."
He
continues by sharing with the court his personal confrontation with
the petition. "At night I wonder what I am being punished for, and
why I deserve it. My family has paid a high price during this
period. There were moments when I wanted to abandon the fray, but I
couldn't betray the values with which I raised and educated my
children. One doesn't run away from a fight if the price is
silencing the spirit of justice. This petition has been shaking me
for several months in a Kafkaesque whirlpool, created by the
petitioner and his representative. My job and my future hang in the
balance. I am standing alone against a wicked step disguised behind
a mask of a few self-righteous legal arguments."
In their
reply, Feldman and Sefarad express surprise at his claim that he is
"alone."
After all, standing behind him and supporting him
are such personalities as the prime minister and the present and
past heads of the Shin Bet.
The person who has a right to
complain about being alone is the petitioner in this case. Even
Justice Cheshin expressed surprise in the course of the proceedings
at the courage of a Shin Bet man to come out openly, in a legal
battle, against the top echelons of the organization.
This
top echelon, for its part, behaved very decently toward Y.S., who
petitioned against it.
"I have no doubts as to the
intentions of the petitioner," writes Dichter in his deposition, in
complete contrast to what was said in the deposition of Y.Z., who is
certain of invalid motives of revenge.
Feldman and Sefarad
also have something to say about the content of Y.Z.'s deposition.
"The window that is opened to the soul of Y.Z. by means of his
deposition, reveals a picture that is not at all pleasant, since
what we see before us is a vengeful man, with a paranoiac tendency
to accuse anyone who opposes him of belonging to the forces of evil,
and this is a man who doesn't forget and doesn't forgive, and anyone
who has disagreed with him had better watch himself."
The
High Court justices are facing weighty legal questions regarding not
only the procedure and the appointment. They must also examine the
substance - whether there isn't a true conflict of interest that was
created as a result of the exaggerated closeness between the
ombudsman and the object of his criticism, a closeness born not only
of the job description as "special assistant," but of the way the
job was performed. This when, as opposed to the efforts of the
petitioner to emphasize the closeness, the head of the Shin Bet
claims that the element of closeness is not significant.
Y.Z. argues that "the attempt to compare me to Rasputin, who
is in control behind the scenes of the czar's regime, or to the
adviser from the British television series `Yes, Minister,' is
ridiculous, and constitutes an unjustified blow to the honor of the
service, and to the honor of its heads. I didn't `run' the service
and I wasn't anyone's `right-hand man.'"
Feldman and Sefarad
are not convinced.
"Is it really reasonable and proper from
a public point of view that when an ombudsman is appointed, the head
of the Shin Bet raises his eyes from his table, surveys the members
of his staff, and of all of them picks out his `special assistant,'
with the strongest connection to him?" they write, adding that "the
aim of the law is to establish an independent ombudsman who
knowingly, and even unknowingly, does not prefer not to harm those
who until yesterday sat with him in the most senior forums of the
service, an ombudsman who has not in his previous job formed an
opinion and a position on almost every issue relating to the
service." |