Representative democracy seems troubled. People are
ignoring it. It is not exactly hip with the kids. A little
like the unfortunate uncle who gate crashed the party, it
hangs around trying to convince people that its magic tricks
are interesting.
Electronic democracy (e-democracy) is viewed squarely
within the remit of representative democracy. ‘The Internet’
is the new trick. This amazing device – full of youth, verve,
and energy – might just be The Answer to its problems.
This, give or take, is the UK government’s current strategy. It recognises that our democratic
system, while not exactly broken, needs pepping up. In
particular, it recognises that young people, who tend to be
keen on all things wired, frankly do not see the point of
politics. It reflects the fact that the political classes are
hunkered down under a big tent marked ‘disengagement’. The
Blair government thinks the internet, this marvel of the
modern age, can help.
At best, this view is half right. Networked technology can
help representative democracy a little, but it is unlikely to
be able to help a lot. It comes down to a basic problem: if
someone isn’t interested in politics, and they don’t see the
point in taking part, doing it online is not going to help
much.
The good news is that there may be a better way. The
internet can help to improve the civic lives of
ordinary people, but only if it is based on a different
principle. E-democracy should not be primarily about
representation, participation, or direct access to decision
makers. First and foremost, it should be about self-help.
Public investment in e-democracy should be about allowing
people to help themselves, their communities, and others who
are interested in the same things as them. As I will explain,
the centre of such a strategy should be state support for what
I call ‘civic hacking’, or the development of applications to
allow mutual aid among citizens rather than through the state.
If you are not interested in politics, electronic
politics will not help
The current British government has got the right question,
but the wrong answer. Its question is: how can we use the
internet to help people get the most out of civic life,
politics, and the way in which they are governed? This is
based on a fairly sound analysis of the current problems of
democracy. Steven Coleman and John Gotze, in their pamphlet Bowling
Together, put this analysis rather well:
“There is a pervasive contemporary estrangement between
representative and those they represent, manifested in almost
every western country by falling voter turnout; lower levels
of public participation in civic life; public cynicism towards
political institutions and parties; and a collapse in
once-strong political loyalties.”
So far so good. But Coleman and Gotze, and by extension the
British government, come up with the wrong conclusion. They
seem to think that people are in some way held back
from participation. If we made it easier – step forward ‘the
internet’ – they might decide to get involved. If we made
participation in traditional processes a little less tedious,
the punters would come back. There would be greater citizen
involvement in policy making.
The assumption seems to be that if we make the entry route
a little sexier (electronic voting not ballots, online
consultation not paper consultation) it will make the system
work. To be fair, it might make a difference. The excellent
British website Fax Your MP, for instance, notes that “67%
of our users report that they have never contacted their
MP before” suggesting that new ways of access can bring
“mostly new participants to the debate”. But this is by no
means the only avenue open to government.
Reciprocity online
The opportunity is the construction of a civic space in
where citizens talk to each other, rather than to the state.
An analogy will help explain this. If you are stuck in a
computer game, what do you do? Gamers today – and remember
around three in ten people play computer games – will go to a
gaming community online, and ask others for advice. They will
almost always find someone willing to help them overcome the
challenge. Other gamers will help for a variety of reasons:
they may get respect for their knowledge; their standing in
the community will improve; or they may simply be in a good
mood that day. But mostly they do it on the principle of
reciprocity.
Common in social capital literature, reciprocity means
nothing less than you scratch my back, I will scratch yours.
This principle is limited if there are only two people, and
only two backs. It works better if reciprocity is distributed:
I will scratch your back, because this will create a system in
which back scratching is the norm, and when I need my back
scratched, someone will do it for me.
In politics, as in computer games, reciprocity means
helping someone because, at some unspecified point in the
future, you will need someone else to help you out too. It is
the rational realisation of ‘do unto others as you would have
done to yourself’.
What you definitely do not do when stuck in a computer game
(or how to load it, or how to make it work better) is e-mail
the software designer and ask them to make the game easier or
better. Yet this is precisely the current British government’s
strategy for e-democracy. Got a problem? Go take part in an
impenetrable consultation exercise that might, in some distant
way, improve the system. Not exactly a hot selling
proposition.
The game analogy holds because, for most people, politics
is like being stuck in a really difficult computer game.
Government bureaucracy – the software designer – is a total
irrelevance to their daily lives. Citizens rub up against the
state in numerous complicated ways: bins need to be taken out,
unemployment benefits collected, and doctors visited. But the
process of deliberative politics is not part of everyday life.
This is why we have a pluralist theory of democracy.
Interest groups, the media, and other functional groups
represent the interests of people in a battle of ideas. The
basic foundation of democracy – that I should be able to have
a fair shot at influencing a decision that affects me (if I
can be bothered to) – sits within this framework.
In everyday life, however, most people encounter problems.
Some of these problems are caused, not solved, by the action
of the state. By this I do not mean theoretical concepts such
as regulatory capture, inefficient use of public money, or
government disconnection from the views of ordinary people. I
mean that tax forms are a real pain. I mean that paying
council tax is complicated, and finding a good school for your
daughter is time consuming. Starting a new business is a
nightmare, and trying to work out how much of a pension
contribution you should be making is difficult. These are
everyday problems that government is pretty good at creating,
but not very good at fixing.
These problems are exactly the same as getting stuck in a
computer game. They are life problems – obstacles to be
overcome. The best way to overcome them is to find someone
else who has done it before, and get them to help you. And
this is where the internet can really help.
The democracy application
Network technology is very good at bringing people
together, if they have a reason for getting together in the
first place. It is, as anyone who has surfed will know, a
veritable haven for cranks and obsessives of all varieties.
But it is also the most incredible fund of distributed
intelligence ever conceived.
It allows the aggregation of distributed and networked
knowledge, and makes it accessible to pretty much anyone with
a bit of skill and a modem. For computer games players, or
financial investors, or stamp collectors, it is a dream come
true. It can also be for citizens.
The question is: how can you translate this self-evident
quality of the network into an application which can help
people overcome life problems, or participate in civic
communications with others interested in the same issue? At
present, this is the problem: you can’t. Why not? Because no
one has developed the application.
Application is another way of saying programme or software.
It is a thing that uses the power of the internet in a
relevant and useful way. Internet Explorer is an ‘application’
which allows users to see HTML code as web pages. More
famously, Napster, the music file sharing system, was an
application that allowed you to download music. It was
developed by a 19-year-old called Shawn Fanning.
Fanning’s story is internet folklore. A
young techy gets an idea. After a considerable amount of time
spent in his bedroom, he developed an application that would
allow others like him, albeit illegally, to swap compressed
music files. It took off, and the music industry will never be
the same again. Other applications have since been written
which do the same thing, but better or faster or with less
central control. But it needed an application to work in the
first place.
The point is that it required someone to develop the
application. Napster was useable, cool, and fulfilled a
previously unavailable function. It introduced file sharing –
or peer-to-peer (P2P) technology – to a mass audience.
Andrew Schapiro, author of The
Control Revolution, thinks that Napster remains the
defining lesson in how the internet changes static systems:
“when you are thinking about this always ask ‘Napster is to
music as X is to Y’.” So: Napster is to music as what is to
politics? Who is developing Citizster, or Polster?
The problem is, we do not know yet. But, somewhere, someone
should be developing it. My contention is that the role for
the state should be to fund people to do this. They should be
giving money to civic-minded groups, or 19-year-old kids, to
develop applications that will help meet social goals.
This is exactly what happens in broadcasting, where the
state (and by extension all of us) ladles out millions every
year to develop socially beneficial television and radio
programmes. This is done, quite rightly, because it is
socially useful. The same should be true with software. I call
this idea ‘civic hacking’.
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Hacking in this
case does not mean computer piracy, or breaking into
computer systems. Instead I take the original meaning, a
process of designing software in an open collaborative
way. It is defined as: “The belief that
information-sharing is a powerful positive good, and
that it is an ethical duty of hackers to share their
expertise by writing free software and facilitating
access to information and to computing resources
wherever possible.” A Hacker is someone who follows
these principles in the development of software, not
someone who tries to electronically break into Fort
Knox. Click for more 'Hacker-information' |
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Funding civic hacking
The website Meetup is a good example of civic hacking.
It is not an application as such, but it is based on much the
same idea. The site allows people with common interests to
meet up with each other.
Let us imagine that Mr Kennedy moved to a new town, and
wanted to meet other people who were interested in the works
of J S Mill, the principles of social justice, and popular
news quiz shows. But Mr Kennedy does not know anyone like
that. He could go on to Meetup, and register his interests.
When enough other people have done the same, the site sends
you an e-mail and suggests you meet for a drink.
Equally, the British website UpMyStreet recently launched a site called
Conversations, in which people from a local
area can initiate discussions about topics of interest in
their street or local area. Both are a simple idea. They will
not make anyone a gazillion dollars, but they could become
useful tools for the social capitalist and ways of making
social connections. And both required someone to develop
software to make it happen.
A civic hacking fund could help develop similar ideas. At
the moment there is a market failure, in as much as people
tend not to make money off these types of application, no
matter how socially useful they are. The applications that can
help people help each other need state funding to get going.
I stress this is not the total answer. It will not end
disengagement as we know it. It will be completely useless for
people who are not online. It will also not be any help to
people who cannot be bothered with politics full stop. But
then these are the sorts of people who, for the foreseeable
future, are not going to go anywhere near a political website
anyway.
But, in a decade or so, everyone in the country will be
online. Most people will have made the internet part of their
everyday life. By this time we need to have developed useful
programmes – Napsters for civic life, Meetups for democracy –
which people will want to use. And that means we need to start
doing so now.
The e-democracy ethic
The question is simple: what is the ethic of e-democracy?
What is the underlying principle that should guide us in this
process of development? The current consensus is that money
and time should be spent developing new ways of allowing
citizens to interact with parliament and the state. It claims
that representation is the ethic of e-democracy. I disagree.
Marshal McLuhan’s dictum was: “The medium is the message”.
At base, this means that certain media, or mediums, are good
at doing different things. The internet is peculiarly
effective at connecting groups of people together. In fact,
this is what it does best.
So, a sensible strategy would start on this principle. But
the people it should be connecting are not citizens and
parliamentarians, or voters and civil servants. It should be
connecting ordinary people with other ordinary people. And
there should be applications that help these people to help
each other. A programme supporting civic hacking can do this.
This should become the ethic of e-democracy: mutual-aid and
self-help among citizens, helping to overcome civic problems.
It would encourage a market in application development. It
would encourage self-reliance, or community-reliance, rather
than reliance on the state.
Such a system would be about helping people to help
themselves. It would create electronic spaces in which the
communicative power of the internet can be used to help
citizens help each other overcome life’s challenges. Most
importantly, by making useful applications, it would help make
participatory democracy seem useful too.
Bottom line: it is a political project. It needs backers.
Any champion of e-democracy should take up the fight.